Don't Forget Gaza and the Palestinians. Diana Buttu. March 9

Israel is using the illegal war on Iran to continue to kill and starve Gaza, steal more Palestinian land, and restrict movement in the West Bank. Don't look away.

DIANA BUTTU. MAR 09, 2026

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu couldn’t have appeared happier; he looked almost giddy. By launching an illegal attack on Iran with the United States, Netanyahu’s lifelong goal was achieved. He said as much. While standing on the rooftop of the Israeli military headquarters (Israel’s Pentagon), nestled among residential and commercial buildings in the heart of Tel Aviv, Netanyahu proclaimed, “This coalition of forces allows us to do what I have yearned to do for 40 years: smite the terror regime hip and thigh. This is what I promised – and this is what we shall do.”

Let’s leave aside the “40 years” comment for the moment – though it is clear that Israel has posed a threat to Iran for at least that time, given its years of attacks on the country and its allies. It’s the rest of the sentence that is equally disturbing. Just as Netanyahu made a Biblical reference to the tribe of Amalek – an enemy that must be completely wiped out – as a justification to slaughter Palestinians in Gaza, including children and infants, he is now invoking a phrase from the Old Testament’s Book of Judges in which Samson “smote them [the Philistines] hip and thigh,” to justify the war with Iran. In plain English, Samson attacked the Philistines mercilessly and viciously. Not coincidentally, Israel’s widely-reported nuclear deterrence strategy is known as the “Samson Option,” in which Israel will resort to using nuclear weapons if it deems necessary. By the way, unlike Iran, Israel has never submitted to international inspections, and Israel has refused to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty that 191 countries (including Iran) have signed.

This out-and-proud combination of unchecked military aggression, coupled with deranged Zionist biblical references, foretells what’s to come, but it also underscores what we’re already witnessing in Palestine, making it all the more important that we don’t look away from what Israel is doing in Gaza and the West Bank as the war in Iran rages on.

Just take Gaza, for instance.

As expected, since the US-Israeli attacks in Iran began, Gaza has once again slipped from the radar. After killing more than 72,000 Palestinians (including more than 615 since the October 2025 “agreement”) and flattening more than 90% of Gaza’s housing infrastructure, Israel’s genocidal policies continued unhindered over the last week. Now, instead of fast-paced live-streamed killing, Israel’s death policies include monitoring virtually every morsel of food that enters Gaza. And despite (hesitatingly) agreeing to allow aid trucks into Gaza (as an aside, why does a genocidal regime have a say in this anyway?), Israel continues to turn away needed goods. For days, Israel prevented any supplies from entering Gaza – including food and medicine – before allowing a mere trickle of supplies last week. Despite glitzy reconstruction plans – funded by the same countries that the US has now put in the line of fire – Palestinians continue to languish in flooded tents. The instant meme of Trump’s so-called Board of Peace becoming ”Bored of Peace” rings eerily true. And, of course, Israel’s killing machine continues to grind on (Israel has killed more than a dozen Palestinians in Gaza since attacking Iran, including a 12-year-old girl, a journalist, and a paramedic over the weekend) while Israeli settlers clamor for the establishment of settlements in the enclave.

In the West Bank, Israel has imposed a blanket ban on Palestinian movement while Israeli settler-militias, emboldened by their leaders and an army that thinks it is cool to stand by and watch Israelis terrorize Palestinians, carry out their attacks on Palestinians in an attempt to ethnically cleanse the West Bank. After an especially violent February, which saw settlers carry out hundreds of attacks against Palestinians, ranging from killings (including an American citizen, if that still matters to anyone) to stealing land, destroying homes, uprooting trees, and burning fields, the violence has only gotten worse. Just since the start of the war in Iran, Israeli settlers have killed at least five Palestinians. That includes two Palestinian brothers who were murdered by settlers last Monday in Qaryut. Three others, including a third brother, were wounded in the attacks. On Saturday, settlers killed another Palestinian man in Masafer Yatta. And on Sunday, Israeli settlers murdered two Palestinians in the village of Khirbet Abu Falah (a third man died after getting hit with a tear gas deployed by the Israeli military). All the while, the Israeli army continues to arrest Palestinians across the West Bank. Why? Because Palestinians are not allowed to defend themselves or their land. That right is reserved exclusively for those trying to steal land – i.e., Israelis.

And, alarmingly, in Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa Mosque, usually packed with worshippers during Ramadan, has been effectively closed. Even prior to the Israeli-American attack on Iran, Israel decided to limit the Palestinians from the West Bank who can worship in Al-Aqsa to women over 50 and men over 55, and capped the number at 10,000 – less than 3% of the number that can be accommodated. Now, however, Israel has canceled Friday prayerscompletely for “security reasons.”

Meanwhile, during the Jewish holiday of Purim, Israelis traipsed through Jerusalem chanting what now seems to be Israel’s national anthem, “May your village burn.” With the rise in Israel destroying Palestinian homes, ethnically cleansing Palestinian towns, and settlers terrorizing Palestinians so that they can build more settlements, it is unsurprising that the UN commissioner for human rights has warned that Israel aims to bring “permanent demographic change” to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

Israeli ministers are now doing their usual boasting and bragging as they do when they commit war crimes. In particular, Israel’s actions in Gaza – rather than being an embarrassment for the war crimes committed – are a source of pride: a model for the future.

Last week, Israel issued “evacuation orders” (aka ‘leave or risk death’ orders) for the residents of southern Lebanon, an area encompassing nearly 10% of the country’s entire area and 100 villages and towns, as well as Dahiyeh, the densely populated southern neighbourhoods of Beirut, an area about the size of lower Manhattan and home to an estimated 800,000 people. Israel’s Finance Minister Bezelal Smotrich has promised that, “Very soon Dahiyeh will resemble Khan Younis.” Why wouldn’t he say that? Makes sense, given that Israel intends to bomb the place to the ground, just as it did in Gaza. And, violent election promises bring votes, and we are only months away from an election. With 93% of Jewish Israelis supporting this war (I have never seen a society more intent on war – the prime minister has “yearned” for this for 40 years! – and the so-called “opposition” is fully in support), one can see that the next election victor will be the person who calls for more killing and more land theft. He will be the stronger Samson.

But maybe Israel’s leaders – drunk on destruction and the impunity with which they have been allowed to kill – should recall Samson’s fate: his final act was to bring down the pillars of the temple of Dagon, apocalyptically killing his enemies…and himself.

Diana Buttu is a Haifa-based lawyer and analyst who was a legal adviser to the Palestinian negotiating team in the early 2000s and is a frequent commentator and writer on Palestinian and Israeli issues. She is also a practitioner in residence at Georgetown University in Qatar. She writes Zeteo’sA Diary from a Palestinian in Israel.’

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Israeli forces destroy water pipeline in Sebastia near Nablas

Israeli forces on Sunday destroyed a main water pipeline in the town of Sebastia, northwest of Nablus in the northern occupied West Bank, cutting water supplies to dozens of homes.

Sebastia Mayor Mohammad Azem said in a press statement that Israeli forces destroyed the pipeline that supplies Palestinian homes in the western part of the town. He said the damage deprived dozens of families of water, noting that residents rely mainly on this line to meet their daily needs.

Read: https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20260309-israeli.../

Benjamin Netanyahu’s Spartan politics

Last September, Benjamin Netanyahu gave what became known as his “Sparta speech”. Nearly two years after the start of the Gaza war, Israel was increasingly isolated, the prime minister told a conference in Jerusalem. The country would have to become a “super-Sparta”, with a self-sufficient, “autarkic” economy, where the domestic arms industry could produce what Israel needs. 

The next day, after a backlash that included Israeli arms companies clarifying their reliance on global markets, Netanyahu told the press that his Sparta comment had been misunderstood, that Israel’s economy was as strong as ever. 

But the idea of Israel as Sparta, the highly militarised city-state of ancient Greece, does not seem that far off the mark today, with the Netanyahu government launching a war against Iran alongside the United States only eight months after the operation in June 2025 which, according to the White House, had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme. 

The jingoism of many Israelis last June is evident again this time around. On Saturday, opposition leader Yair Lapid, a centrist who often votes with the government on security and foreign affairs, was quick to voice his approval in a series of interviews with international media. Yair Golan, leader of the left-wing Democrats party and a former army deputy chief-of-staff, also lent his support (to the army, if not the government). On Israel’s main news channels, hosts and panellists made frequent use of the epithet “historic” in discussing developments, even as their countrymen were forced into another indefinite period of running in and out of bomb shelters or safe rooms (if they are lucky enough to live near one). Needless to say, Gaza and the rampaging settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank were off the news agenda. 

Channel 14, Israel’s Fox News equivalent, a place of right-wing-religious politics and blind loyalty to Netanyahu, was, unsurprisingly, the happiest of the TV studios. On Saturday, one panellist described the war as greater than Moses parting the Red Sea. This was a historic event of such weight that people would talk about it 1,000 years from now. Early the next morning, Iran would confirm that, among the Iranian leaders targeted by Israel, the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had been killed. Also killed that day: more than 100 children at a girls’ school in Minab, located near an Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps base (Israel has said it isn’t aware of operations in that part of Iran; the US army is looking into the report).

As the war continued, Iran retaliated not just against Israel, not merely through performative strikes on US military bases, but with attacks on countries around the Gulf (and later even Cyprus, Nato member Turkey and Azerbaijan). Major questions remained. A former Mossad chief, Danny Yatom, asked on Israel’s Channel 11 on Monday whether anyone recalled what Netanyahu said at the end of the 12-day war last June? Namely, that the “existential threat” from Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missiles programmes had been removed. “What changed?” asked Yatom. “We are back facing the same threat.” 

Indeed, last June, nuclear experts were insistent that there was no military solution to the nuclear threat from Iran. Institutional knowledge decades in the making would not be so easy to obliterate, no matter how many nuclear scientists Israel killed or how many bunker buster bombs America dropped on underground facilities. 

At least back then, the US involvement in the war, which Israel launched, had a very clear aim: to bomb certain underground nuclear sites. This time, US goals are less apparent. Israel’s goals, on the other hand, are clearer: regime change, if it’s possible, and if not then at the very least the destabilisation and fragmentation of Iran. There has been no indication yet that Israel has any intelligence regarding an Iranian figure who could lead the opposition against the regime from within the country, Sima Shine, an Israeli analyst formerly of the Mossad and National Security Council, said at a press briefing on Thursday. As one source who has long worked in the region, and is in regular contact with government officials put it to me, western governments are much more worried now than they were last year. Back then Germany’s chancellor, Friedrich Merz, said of the war: “This is dirty work that Israel is doing for all of us.” 

On the day that this year’s Iran war began, the historian Timothy Snyder, suggested a framework for understanding why the US had started it: “Foreign war as a mechanism to destroy democracy at home; and a foreign war as an element of personal corruption by the president of the United States.”

What happens if we apply this thinking to Israel? A cynic might ask whether the prospect of Israeli elections, which will happen no later than the end of October this year (and will now likely happen as soon as June) have any bearing on Netanyahu’s war. True, Iran’s government has spent decades spewing anti-Israel invective while funding and arming terrorist groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis in Yemen. Netanyahu has made it his career’s mission to convince the west that Iran’s government is a dangerous, destabilising force. The prime minister has long dreamed of a war of regime change in Iran. He seems to believe, with some fervour, that the country needs him to vanquish this enemy. 

Yet it is also true that losing an election would bring Netanyahu closer to a reckoning over the military, intelligence and policy failures of his government that led to the 7th October 2023 Hamas attack on southern Israel, and everything that has happened since. Netanyahu is still on trial for criminal charges of fraud, bribery and breach of trust, too. (On 5th March, Donald Trump urged President Isaac Herzog “to give Netanyahu a pardon today”. Trump told Israel’s Channel 12 news that he “doesn’t want for there to be anything that worries Bibi apart from the war with Iran.”)

Given the general state of the country, exhausted from war and divided politically, cobbling together a coalition under Israel’s proportional representation system will be difficult, though not impossible. Success in the war against Iran, which is widely supported by the Israeli public, would certainly help. According to an August 2025 survey by aChord, an Israeli non-profit organisation, nearly half of right-wing voters think Netanyahu should resign, and more than half of the public (53 per cent) believe the war in Gaza serves political interests more than security ones. Another survey from last year found that 78 per cent of Israelis “felt exhausted and wished to return to normal life”.

In the most recent polling before the Iran war began, Netanyahu’s Likud was the single party forecast to win the greatest number of seats, but his bloc of right-wing and religious parties was polling between 49 and 53 seats, while the anti-Netanyahu bloc, currently widely seen as being led by Naftali Bennett, a right-winger and former settler leader, is polling between 56 and 60 seats, according to most polling. There are two surveys in which the Netanyahu bloc has 64 and 65 seats, and the Bennett bloc has 42. Sixty-one seats are needed for a coalition, and much rests on whether Bennett and other Israeli Jewish parties are willing to work together with Arab-majority parties. The last time the opposition managed to get Netanyahu out of power was the government formed by Bennett in 2021, with Islamist party Ra’am joining a governing coalition (a historic first in Israeli politics). If the Knesset does not pass a budget by a 1st April deadline, elections will be held on 30th June. 

It is too soon to know whether Netanyahu will benefit from the war. The pollster Dahlia Scheindlin tells me that, given that last June’s war “did not significantly move his poll numbers”, there is reason to think this one won’t either. Even though a majority of Israeli Jews support the war and trust Netanyahu to run it (there is no such majority among Palestinian citizens of Israel, who tend not to support the war), polls still show “very low levels of trust for the government and for Netanyahu in general, which have barely seen just a tiny little lift of a few percentage points—the opposite of what we would normally see in a typical wartime rallying effect”. Of course, much could change, depending on how long the war lasts, what its outcome is and, crucially, when elections are held. 

Israel has been in a defensive-offensive crouch since 7th October, with no sense of long-term stability, safety or peace beyond operations launched ostensibly to protect itself. When the latest operation—named “Epic Fury” by the Americans, “Lion’s Roar” by the Israelis—launched last Saturday, Israeli troops were still in Gaza amid a so-called second ceasefire, under which Hamas had yet to disarm. And two days later, after Hezbollah joined the fray at Tehran’s behest, Israel also launched what would later become a ground incursion against the Shia militia in Lebanon, with dozens killed in strikes on the first day of that operation. Since then, the death toll in Iran has been in the hundreds, 120 have reportedly been killed in Lebanon, and 11 people have died in Israel in strikes right across the country, including three children from one family in Beit Shemesh, a town near Jerusalem.

Mainstream Israel seems doomed by a certain groupthink, in which force is an answer to the country’s problems.

In times past, Netanyahu was seen as relatively war-averse. Since 7th October, however, his government has launched wars against Hamas and the Palestinians in Gaza, military operations ostensibly against terrorism in the West Bank, against Hezbollah in Lebanon, and against Iran, as well as striking the Houthis in Yemen and deploying troops in southern Syria. Netanyahu’s is a Spartan politics: he leads a nation in perpetual war; and war is the political campaign that money can’t buy. 

Mainstream Israel, meanwhile, seems doomed by a certain groupthink, in which force is an answer to the country’s problems. For many, the current fighting is a “war of no choice”, the sticky matter of how this ends or what happens next is for the birds. If there is no regime change, a serious possibility is civil war in Iran, if the Kurds or the Balochis join in a fight against Iran’s government. Such a fight could last years, and would be a disaster for Iranians, but it wouldn’t be a worst-case scenario for Israel, Sarit Zehavi, formerly of the IDF intelligence corps and now an analyst, said in a press briefing on Thursday. The worst-case scenario would be “if we hadn’t attacked”. 

On Friday, the seventh day of the war, while Iranian strikes around the region continued and as US secretary of state Pete Hegseth said American strikes would “surge dramatically”, the Metropolitan Police arrested four men suspected of spying for the regime in Tehran on the Jewish community. On Tuesday, Qatar said it had arrested members of two Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps sleeper cells

The question for Israelis is what has so much violence been for? If they thought that the infamous pager operation had decapitated Hezbollah in 2024, what of the fact that now, though weakened, Hezbollah is firing rockets over Israel’s northern border? What of the fact that, though the US and Israel said eight months ago that Iran no longer posed a threat, Tehran has now ensured that the war is region-wide? What does force buy you other than a bit of time, before existential threats return?  

Netanyahu, a wily operator who, it seems, will stoop to the depths for his political (and personal) survival, is not the inevitable victor of Israeli politics. A study by the Alliance for Middle East Peace, a coalition of Israeli and Palestinian NGOs, found that a significant portion of Israel’s population is open to a regional normalisation agreement that includes a Palestinian state, with 42 per cent saying it is either “essential” or “desirable”. If more of a vision for an actual future was reflected by a politician during the election, maybe it would be enough to ensure Netanyahu can’t form another coalition. Is there any leader brave enough to puncture the groupthink? This is the question that must be answered if Israel is to escape from being a modern-day Sparta. 

Alona Ferber is senior editor at Prospect