The Eighth Front: Inside Israel’s $1 Billion Influence Campaign - Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft

Nick Cleveland-Stout

Posted on July 24, 2026

Executive Summary

The Israeli government has spent more than $1 billion in direct expenditures on public diplomacy since the Hamas–led attacks on Oct. 7, 2023, a dramatic escalation in such spending. This represents Israel’s new reliance on influence operations in the United States, funded directly by the country’s government and subject to American laws on foreign influence. 

For most of the US–Israel relationship’s history, Israel garnered unrivaled influence in US politics through an informal lobby made up of American citizens and organizations like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, and Christians United for Israel, or CUFI, as well as individual mega-donors. These organizations are not required to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, or FARA, because they are funded by Americans and nominally act independently of the Israeli government. This system gave Israel enormous influence without triggering the disclosure requirements for direct foreign lobbying. 

The deep unpopularity of Israel’s post–Oct. 7 military offensives among the American public spurred Israel to reassess the scope and structure of its influence operations. The Israeli government subsequently reinvented its public relations strategy by hiring registered foreign agents directly so that it could control messaging, target specific demographics, and act with speed and precision. Since 2023, Israel has spent over $100 million on influence in the US under FARA.

This paper uses FARA data, Israeli government procurement documents, and interviews with dozens of sources to trace the size and effects of this shift. Israel’s FARA spending is set to triple from 2024 to 2026, and the country is on track to become the single biggest FARA spender this year. Much of this work flows through the French firm Havas Media, which subcontracts with American firms that specialize in reaching the once most reliable sources of support that Israel is now losing: Evangelicals, conservatives, and young Americans. The tactics are new in kind, not just scale: paying influencers directly, funding a mass texting operation, and, the most novel of these new approaches, hiring firms like Clock Tower X to build networks of websites designed to shape how artificial intelligence chatbots characterize Israel. 

This shift toward FARA–registrable engagement creates a new paper trail. But significant gaps in compliance and transparency remain: Organizations conducting clear lobbying activities have failed to register as lobbyists, some new firms working for Israel have openly flouted transparency requirements, and paid influencers have not disclosed their financial relationships with the Israeli government.

Israel’s new tactics are transforming America’s influence landscape, but they have so far proved insufficient to counter the erosion in public support that is being driven by Israel’s deeply unpopular policies. That said, Israeli influence operations have a commanding record of shaping American public opinion, and the infrastructure that Israel is now building is unlike anything previously deployed — it should not be underestimated.

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Israeli Settlers Set Up At Least Six New Colonial Outposts After Friday Killings in the Occupied West Bank

Israeli soldiers and settlers have unleashed a campaign of terror on Palestinians across the occupied West Bank with home raids, shootings, assaults, mass detentions, and house demolitions.

ZENA TAHHAN A guest post. She is an independent TV reporter and writer based in occupied Jerusalem.

JUL 27. GUEST POST. The Guardian

RAMALLAH, occupied West Bank—In the aftermath of Friday’s killings in the village of Tal, hundreds of armed Israeli settlers and soldiers launched a campaign of terror targeting Palestinian towns and villages across the occupied West Bank, with reports of home raids, shootings, assaults, mass detentions, and demolitions of property—including residential buildings, mosques, cars, agricultural equipment, and farmland.

It began when armed settlers raided Tal, which is southwest of Nablus city in the northern West Bank, at around 7 a.m. local time and opened fire. They were confronted by Palestinian residents of the village who were attempting to protect their homes and land. Just a week earlier, armed settlers had raided Tal and set fire to a Palestinian home. The family managed to escape before the house was consumed by flames.

During Friday’s attack, one of the Palestinian residents, Farouq Ramadan, a father of five, managed to seize the machine gun of an Israeli settler in a moment captured on camera. Ramadan then shot one of the settlers. Ramadan, and three of his cousins— brothers Jawad and Ibrahim Ramadan, and their cousin Imran—were then shot dead by settlers and soldiers, while two settlers were killed.

“This was self-defense. Farouq was defending himself, his uncle and his cousins. Farouq is well-known in our village—he has never gone out to confront the occupation and its forces and settlers. Had the settlers not been close to his sister’s home in the village he would not have gone out,” Firas al-Saifi, a local Palestinian journalist from Tal, told Drop Site. “The situation is that they raid Palestinian villages and homes and point their guns at residents, and expect them to be killed in silence.”

Four others were shot and wounded at the scene by settler and soldier fire, including Orwa Ramadan, the brother of Jawad and Ibrahim, who was shot in the shoulder. Shortly after the attack, Israeli soldiers abducted Orwa from his hospital bed at the Nablus Specialty Hospital, where he was transferred for treatment. He remains detained along with another one of his brothers, Majd Ramadan, who was at work and uninvolved during the attack.

The arrests came amid a sweeping campaign of mass detentions across the West Bank by Israeli occupation forces, with more than 100 Palestinians taken into custody and interrogated, according to local officials. More than 20 remain in custody as of Monday.

Israeli forces also raided Ramadan’s home, taking measurements in preparation for the planned demolition of his family home and that of his parents, who live on the lower floor of the same building. Armed settlers, accompanied by the Israeli military, established a new illegal outpost—installing caravans after uprooting hundreds of Palestinian-owned olive trees in the area.

It is one of at least six new colonial outposts reported on occupied Palestinian land as Israeli settlers take advantage of the mass crackdown they incited, in addition to the expansion of existing outposts over the past few days alone with the support of the Israeli army. Other outposts established by Israeli settlers over the weekend in Palestinian villages include in Umm Safa and Sinjil in the Ramallah governorate; in Deir Ballut in the Salfit governorate; Asira al-Shamaliya in the Nablus governorate and another existing one in Nablus, Madama, that is being expanded.

MORE: Video obtained by Drop Site of the new settler outpost at Tal

Expanding Attacks and Colonization

Once the news of the two killed Israelis emerged on Friday, hundreds more settlers attacked at least 30 different villages and locations between Friday and midday on Monday. The Israeli army not only supported the settlers but launched its own military raids.

Dozens of Palestinians were wounded, including many through live ammunition, rubber-coated bullets, rocks, pepper-spray, and physical assaults. At least seven homes, two mosques, a quarry, many cars, and farmlands were set on fire and burned, while many other properties faced arson attempts but were blocked by residents.

Reports of attacks came from numerous villages, including Tal, Surra, Qusra, Urif, Madama, Asira al-Qibliya, Burin, Iraq Burin, Qabalan, Jalud, Qaryut, Aqraba, Beita, Lubban al-Sharqiya, Wadi al-Sha’ir, Khirbat Tana al-Fawqa, Beit Furik, As-Sawiya, Tilfeet, and Huwwara in the Nablus district; Jit, Fara’ta, and Immatin in the Qalqilya district; Kur in the Tulkarem district; Sinjil, Beitillu, and Ein Samiya in the Ramallah and al-Bireh district; Surif in the Hebron district; and al-Maniya in the Bethlehem district.

Compounding the attacks, the Israeli army imposed a suffocating lockdown on Palestinian cities and severed movement between towns and villages, effectively trapping residents as the attacks were underway. Because of blocked access to essential services, according to local medics, there have been at least four cases of Palestinian women being forced to give birth at military closures and checkpoints over the weekend, with ambulances blocked from evacuating them. On Monday, one woman tragically delivered a stillborn after enduring severe bleeding due to the closures by the Israeli army. Soldiers held the ambulance for more than 30 minutes at Nablus, searched the woman despite her condition, and ordered the crew to switch off the vehicle’s engine, shutting down its medical equipment. The woman survived after reaching hospital, but lost her baby.

Bashar Qaryouti, a volunteer medic and activist from the village of Qaryout south of Nablus city, explained that the current period marks a clear shift. “We used to be afraid of the night—we called the settlers ‘bats’ because they used to carry out their attacks under the cover of darkness. Now, they commit all their crimes in broad daylight without a care in the world,” Qaryouti told Drop Site.

Following the killings, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who is also in charge of the building of illegal colonies in the occupied West Bank,called for the destruction of Palestinian villages and the transfer of their residents, and demanded the expansion of Israeli colonies. A similar statement was made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, who announced a series of measures, among them the building of new colonies.

While most settler attacks in recent years have focused on Palestinians living in Area C—the area comprising roughly 60 percent of the occupied West Bank and excluding the built-up areas of Palestinian cities and villages—settler violence is now increasingly moving into Areas A and B, where the majority of Palestinian villages are located.

“We are in a new stage. The settlers and soldiers have emptied about 99 percent of Area C through their attacks and by forcing residents out, and now the settlers are moving into the villages and attacking them. They have begun taking over homes on the edges of villages and launching attacks deep inside our towns,” Qaryouti said.

One of the new outposts is in Deir Istya, a historic Palestinian town in the Salfit governorate in the northern West Bank. “The place where they established [one of the new outposts] is the only remaining open space available for the people of Deir Istya to expand their construction in the future. The area they have taken control of covers 44 dunams (around 10 acres),” Izzat Mansour, the mayor of Deir Istya, told Drop Site on Monday. “They set up tents there last night, and since three o’clock this morning Israeli army forces have been present there. All the surrounding areas of Deir Istya are already enclosed by settlers.”

“We see that what happened to our people in 1948 is now being repeated in the West Bank,” Mansour added, referring to the mass expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians from their homes by Zionist militias in what is known as the Nakba, Arabic for ‘catastrophe.’ “There is continuous and systematic daily harassment from different directions by settlers. We are using every means available to us to continue living on these lands, to resist displacement, and to prevent them from gaining control over these areas and imposing a new reality.”

Routine attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers on Palestinians in the West Bank have been taking place for decades, but over the last few years, particularly since the genocide in Gaza began in 2023, they have significantly increased and become more organized. The Israeli military also increasingly shows up to support the settlers’ actions.

Sinjil, a Palestinian village northeast of Ramallah, was close to one of the new outposts established this weekend. “Before the events of Tal—two or three days before—Sinjil was attacked by dozens of armed settlers. They fired live ammunition directly at people…The settlers have gone far beyond all limits. Their attacks have escalated to the point where they enter people’s homes, vandalize shops, vandalize houses. These are systematic attacks. They steal money—anything they can get their hands on,” Mohammad Ghafry, a resident of Sinjil. “Since the events in Tal, they have tightened the closure of Sinjil. All of the town’s entrances have been completely sealed off.”

“In addition to that, they established a new settlement outpost in the eastern plain,” Ghafry added. “These lands belong to al-Mazra’a al-Sharqiya, not Sinjil, but the outpost is located at Sinjil’s eastern entrance. The settlers in this outpost have effectively become like the army’s eyes.”

Before the attacks on Tal, more than 80 Palestinians had already been killed by Israeli soldiers and settlers in the occupied West Bank so far in 2026, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry

The coordination between armed settlers and Israeli occupation forces is painfully clear, Qaryouti said. “They have worked together for a long time, but now they do it openly.”

“Both the occupation authorities and the settlers are deliberately pushing Palestinians towards an explosion because it serves their broader settlement plan.”

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We're Entering a Terrifying New Era of Genocide.

Professor Omer Bartov | The New York Times (opinion)

By Omer Bartov

Dr. Bartov is a professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Brown University.

How do genocides end? In most cases, there are two options. Either the perpetrators accomplish their goal, or a military force stops them, and accountability ensues.

In 1904 the Imperial German Army began a campaign that nearly wiped out the Herero and Nama peoples in what was then German Southwest Africa, now Namibia, through fatal expulsions into the desert, incarceration in forced labor camps and outright murder. No one intervened. In 1915 the Ottoman Empire murdered vast numbers of Armenians it sought to remove from the heartland of Anatolia or caused their deaths by forced marches. Feeble efforts to bring former Ottoman leaders to account were quickly abandoned. To this day, Turkey denies the genocide.

Conversely, because the Nazi regime was defeated in World War II, its genocide of the Jews and its other mass crimes were adjudicated at Nuremberg. Other genocides that also ended with the military defeat of the perpetrators — such as in Cambodia in 1979, in Rwanda in 1994 and in Bosnia in 1995 — culminated in some sort of reckoning, however belated and incomplete. Denial of what occurred thus became impossible.

In the earlier case of genocides that succeeded because of impunity at the time or the absence of subsequent accountability, the perpetrator state went on to benefit from its criminal actions. The invention and codification of the concept of genocide after World War II was meant to prevent the persistence of this dynamic of impunity and profit.

What we have seen unfold in Gaza, where Israel stands accused in the International Court of Justice of committing genocide in the aftermath of the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, appears to portend a new future for the crime.

It is a future in which other nations or leaders may have an incentive to pursue genocidal policies knowing they will not only get away with murder but may even benefit from it. It is a future in which the countries and international organizations that had been committed to stopping and punishing genocide may give license to its recurrence.

Since the current cease-fire in Gaza went into effect on Oct. 10 and President Trump’s 20-point plan was endorsed by the Security Council on Nov. 17, more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli attacks. The military now controls nearly 70 percent of the Gaza Strip. Two million Palestinians, who previously lived in one of the most densely populated areas in the world, are now confined to a third of it, trying to survive in devastated spaces lacking the most basic humanitarian infrastructure.

After the cease-fire and exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners, Phase 2 of Mr. Trump’s plan began in mid-January, which intends to bring about the full demilitarization and reconstruction of the strip, to be managed by a transitional technocratic Palestinian body. Overseeing the process is an international Board of Peace chaired by Mr. Trump. His administration has spoken about creating a multibillion-dollar futuristic “New Gaza” in the long term and is reportedly planning to build a major military and personnel base for multinational forces. This will inevitably consign Palestinians in Gaza to the role of construction workers and service providers for the rich inhabiting what used to be their land.

How did we get here?

The Israeli political and military leadership conducted an operation in Gaza that killed at least 70,000 people (as admitted now by the Israeli military), most of them civilians; wounded close to 200,000; and caused vast numbers to die indirectly because of the utter destruction of medical facilities, housing and infrastructure, as well as the deprivation of food and clean water. As I wrote in July 2025, as a scholar of genocide, I believe this was a concerted attempt to destroy the Palestinians in Gaza, in whole or in part, and that the operation therefore reached the high bar of the 1948 Genocide Convention’s definition of this crime.

Israel is unlikely to face a reckoning for its actions. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former minister of defense Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as for a Hamas official, who turned out to have been killed. The United States has tried to undermine the court, and Mr. Netanyahu has repeatedly visited the White House to, among other things, reportedly try to persuade Mr. Trump to launch his attack on Iran. Israel may eventually be found guilty of genocide by the International Court of Justice, where South Africa has lodged a separate case against Israel, but the implications of such a ruling are unclear as long as Israel retains U.S. support on the U.N. Security Council, which acts as the enforcement arm of the International Court of Justice.

And so Israeli leaders will probably not be held to account, unless they are at some point handed over to the International Criminal Court by a new Israeli government unwilling to bring them to justice in Israel and eager to restore the nation’s international standing. That possibility is remote. Mr. Trump’s 20-point plan would effectively bypass any possible accountability or punishment for the authors of this crime by promising a bright future for everyone involved, although calls for the restoration of a semblance of normality for the Palestinians would be unlikely to gain much sympathy when Israel and its allies would be engaged in constructing an ideal city. What would be the point of stirring up old accusations when a brave new world is about to emerge?

It is true that Israel is experiencing increasing global isolation and disapproval among Americans across the political spectrum, but that is precisely what the glossy plans for a new Gaza may attenuate or even reverse: by persuading distracted publics in a troubled world that the issue of Gaza has been settled to everyone’s satisfaction.

The Trump plan, if its vision is ever realized, would mean that the U.S. government or American businesspeople working on its behalf would be selling rights for leasing and construction on land expropriated from its residents, whose value is expected to rise sky high.

A collection of real estate moguls — possibly including Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff and Mr. Trump himself — or companies they promote would in that way reap a financial bonanza for businesses and investors, transforming the erasure of the Gaza Strip into an international investment opportunity. While the coastline would be dominated by prime real estate made up of mixed-use towers seemingly for foreign purchase and tourism, providing profits for developers, Palestinians would almost certainly be priced out of housing on what used to be their land. The plan would not only all but eradicate Gaza’s history and society but also transform it into a free-market economy for foreign corporations being offered “amazing investment opportunities,” as Mr. Kushner put it.

Building Mr. Trump’s so-called Riviera of the Middle East would depend on Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states putting up vast amounts of money on the promise of ensuring even tighter strategic and economic links with the United States. For now, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as well as Turkey, Egypt and Indonesia, have signaled interest by joining Mr. Trump’s Board of Peace. Israel, as the Board of Peace consolidates control and Gaza is redeveloped, would take another step in its long-term objective of obliterating Palestinians’ hopes for an end to the Israeli occupation of their territories.

Other nations, by declining to hold Israel accountable, would also benefit. Germany is Israel’s second-biggest supplier of arms, after the United States, and has signed major contracts purchasing military technology from Israel. Germany is defending itself at the International Court of Justice against accusations by Nicaragua of facilitating genocide in Gaza by funding Israel and cutting aid to the U.N. Palestinian refugee agency, UNRWA, so it has every political and economic interest in taking the issue off the table. (Germany has denied the allegations.) Britain is believed to have used its military bases in Cyprus to support Israel and is laboring to improve its relations with the United States. France is trying to maintain its political influence in the Levant and to move on from the question of genocide in Gaza, which, according to President Emmanuel Macron, will be determined by “historians, in due time.”

Israel, too, is profiting. Even though some European governments have canceled weapons deals and imposed sanctions on Israeli military firms in response to Israeli violence in Gaza, business has remained brisk for Israel’s arms industry. Israeli export arms sales rose by 30 percent last year over 2024, to a record $19.2 billion, according to Calcalist, an Israeli financial news site, and the battle testing of weapons systems in Gaza serves as a selling point, Calcalist reported. In other words, wreaking destruction brings profits.

For now, Israel’s impunity will enable its Jewish citizens to continue to ignore the genocide, the consequences of which will be a deepening degradation of Israeli ethics and morality, erosion of the rule of law, internal police violence against the state’s Palestinian and Jewish citizens and the undermining of whatever is left of Israeli democracy. Beyond being deprived of any justice and accountability for their suffering, the Gazan victims of Israeli actions will continue to live in dire conditions, under military supervision and with very limited prospects.

Since Defense Minister Israel Katz reportedly proclaimed last July that Israel was planning to establish a “humanitarian city” in the southern part of the Gaza Strip, conditions on the ground have only deteriorated. It appears conceivable that Mr. Trump’s plan will be facilitated by an international force aided by Palestinian security personnel and the Israel Defense Forces to enclose the population in such cities, from which they will be able to emerge only to service the wealthy residents of the so-called New Gaza. In those extensive parts of the strip remaining under Israeli control, new flourishing Jewish settlements are likely to be planted.

Mr. Trump has said that the Board of Peace behind this transformation would at some point collaborate with the United Nations, but many fear that it will undermine the world body. One effect of this shift in the postwar order would be the gutting of international humanitarian law and of the two international courts set up to preserve it, ensuring that any hopes to bring Israeli policymakers to justice would remain nothing more than a pipe dream and signaling to other nations that impunity would be open to them, too.

Some may argue that the case of Gaza is singular because Israel enjoys a unique international position, thanks to its tight alliance with the United States and its reliance on the legacy of the Holocaust. Perhaps other states cannot expect to be rewarded and may even be punished for genocide. Yet what we are seeing today sets an extraordinary precedent, one that has the potential of undermining the entire premise of genocide as a crime punishable under post-World War II international law.

If the plans that are being elaborated for Gaza go forward, genocide may come to be seen by some nations as the legitimate and lucrative extension of politics by other means. At the least, other nations that benefit in some way from the genocide may be less likely to hold future perpetrators accountable. Raphael Lemkin, the man who coined the term in 1944 and fought for the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide four years later, had hoped to prevent exactly this outcome. It may well be the future of genocide.


Israel’s factories grind to a halt as foreign technicians refuse to come

Israel’s factories grind to a halt as foreign technicians refuse to come

Cottage cheese shortage exposed a broader crisis across Israeli industry, where foreign technicians are refusing to install or repair imported machinery, leaving multimillion-shekel production lines idle and manufacturers improvising remote fixes

Navit Zomer|07.20.26 | 04:24

 

A shortage of Tnuva cottage cheese caused by a malfunction in a sophisticated system purchased abroad has exposed a much broader problem facing Israeli manufacturers. Factories across the country say they have become increasingly isolated, with foreign technicians refusing to travel to Israel even when they are needed to install, maintain or repair industrial machinery.

 

A ynet review found that the disruption spans nearly every branch of Israeli manufacturing, where factories depend heavily on imported machinery. Foreign specialists are needed both to install equipment at new plants and to keep existing production lines running across sectors such as steel, plastics and food, including facilities that supply export markets.

 

Israel’s growing isolation is now being felt through technicians’ reluctance to enter the country. Some companies cite Israel’s classification as a war zone, saying insurers will not cover their employees’ stay. 

In Italy, however, manufacturers say even that explanation is unnecessary because labor unions are refusing to allow their members to travel to Israel.

 

Asked how the Economy Ministry, which oversees industry, was addressing the problem, the ministry said: “The classification of Israel as a war zone is a diplomatic matter and does not fall under the ministry’s authority.”

 

Dr. Ron Tomer, a former president of the Manufacturers Association of Israel and owner of the pharmaceutical company Unipharm, said factories without strong engineering departments were particularly vulnerable. 

 

“We had a new machine worth 20 million shekels ($5.5 million), but with no technicians willing to come, we spent two months installing it remotely with guidance from Germany,” he said. “We had to set up an elaborate camera system so the European technicians could direct our engineering team over Zoom.”

 

Tomer said the challenge does not end once a machine is installed. Many advanced systems require ongoing maintenance by foreign specialists using proprietary equipment unavailable in Israel.

 

“We managed because we have a strong engineering department, and the supplier located a technician married to an Israeli,” he said. “We covered the cost of bringing him and his wife to Israel for two months, including their accommodation.”

 

Israel produces little of the machinery its factories rely on, Tomer said, leaving manufacturers dependent on foreign suppliers and technicians. “For now, everyone is improvising,” he said. “The public notices only when cottage cheese disappears from supermarket shelves, not when a factory lacks a specialized blade for precision machining. This is an insane crisis that the Foreign Ministry must address.”

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